Monjes y herejes
The Monk and the Heretics: A Reappraisal of Sessō Sōsai’s Anti-Christian Documents (Mid-Seventeenth Century)
(p. 60) In 1642 and 1643, the Society of Jesus sent two groups of priests, brothers, and catechists to Kyushu (the Rubino groups), whose aim it was, among other things, to revive the Japanese mission and make contact with the apostate Jesuit Cristóvão Ferreira (ca. 1580–1650). Last but not least, on the other side of the world, the Iberian Union ended in December 1640, and the King of Portugal decided to send an official embassy to the bakufu; it arrived in Nagasaki in July 1647.
Buddhist studies specialists have thoroughly examined the arguments of the anti-Christian treatises written in the 1640s by the Zen monks Suzuki Shōsan 鈴 木正三 (1579–1655) of the Sōtō 曹洞 sect and Sessō Sōsai 雪窓宗崔 (1589–1649) of the Rinzai 臨済 sect, locating them within the context of seventeenth-century Japanese religious thought.2 The former penned Ha Kirishitan 破吉利支丹 (Christians countered) in the 1640s (published in Kyoto in Kanbun 寛文 2 (1662));3 the latter wrote Taiji jashū ron 対治邪執論 (A refutation of the evil teachings) in Shōhō 正保 5 (1648).4 Kiri Paramore, in his study of anti-Christian discourse in early modern Japan, has emphasized the political nature of such discourse and argued that it was primarily aimed at asserting the legitimacy of the Tokugawa.
(61) in the years following the revolt, the bakufu systematized, on a national scale, the religious inspection system centered on Buddhist temples (tera’uke 寺請) and the “five-household groups” (gonin-gumi 五人組).
the bakufu was convinced that the enforcement of formal control over religious affiliation was not alone sufficient to solve the “Christian issue.” Instead, what was now required was a better understanding of Christian tenets. For both the first and last time during the Edo period, Baba Toshishige 馬場利重 (?–1657; governor of Nagasaki from 1636 to 1652) and the aforementioned Inoue Masashige endeavored to use their knowledge of Christianity to influence directly the inner beliefs of the remaining hidden Christians.
(62) some of my conclusions differ from those of Elison, the author of Deus Destroyed. The main difference between us lies in our perceptions of the bakufu authorities. For Elison, they were all-powerful and seemingly implemented the anti-Christian measures according to an established plan.10 By contrast, I will argue that they were far from sure about the effectiveness of their policies, and remained wary about the possible reaction of the hidden Christians.
Sessō Sōsai. The Nagasaki authorities summoned him to preach in front of the port town’s inhabitants around the fifth & 6 month of Shōhō 4 (June-Julio 1647), ante la inminente llegada de una embajada portuguesa.
the bakufu leaders considered the ordinary citizens of Nagasaki, a majority of whom were apostate Christians (korobi Kirishitan 転びキリシタン), as a potential threat that needed to be tamed. They were unsure about the real feelings of Nagasaki’s citizens towards the forbidden religion.
In order to reveal the falsehood of Christianity, they resorted to a counter-narrative of the history of this religion, and concentrated their attacks on God’s alleged omnipotence.
(63) 76 páginas. La obra de Rinzai era para ser leído por monjes budistas (se entiende que esta en cambio para más gente). 4 sermones. Después del 1er sermón recibieron los "preceptos" 1.520 personas y después del 3º 21.300. O sea asistió la mayoría de los 30.000 habitantes de Nagasaki.
(64) Mientras que están escritas en kanbun las partes que explican el budismo Zen, Nichiren y del País Puro, hay 10 páginas escritas en japonés sobre cristianismo, para que todos lo entiendan.