Hesselink, Reinier H. Volver a Bibliografía Japón.
"104 Voices from Christian Nagasaki: Document of the Rosario Brotherhood of Nagasaki with the Signatures of Its Members (February 1622): An Analysis and Translation". En Monumenta Nipponica Vol. 70, No. 2 (2016), pp. 237-265. Disponible en internet: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43864687 [consultado el 4 de agosto de 2022].
(237) 104 miembros destacados de la Cofradía del Rosario firmaron en Nagasaki en febrero de 1622 lo que hoy es un rollo de dos metros, 11 páginas pegadas de papel japonés, conservado en la Biblioteca Casanatense de Roma (doc. 4253A: Nagasaki) en una caja que también contiene las firmas de 77 miembros de la Cofradía del Rosario de Omura (4253B: Omura).
(238) Comienza con un testamento japonés de 4 páginas presentado como 7 artículos sobre la situación de los cristianos en la ciudad, más 5 hojas con las firmas de 83 hombres y 28 mujeres. Siguen dos hojas con la traducción latina hecha por los dominicos Diego Collado (1589-1641) y Juan de los Ángeles Rueda (1578-1624).
Se conocen 60 testamentos posteriores a 1617 con cientos de firmas.
En el Archivo Provincial de Toledo (¿de los dominicos?) con sede en Alcalá de Henares: The collection at APT includes forty-eight documents composed by various Christian communities on Kyushu and Honshu: Bungo (14 communities), Buzen (2), Chikuzen (1), Chikugo (1),Gotō (8), Higo (2), Hyūga (1), Satsuma (2), Nagato (1), Suō (3), Miyako (1), Osaka (1), Sakai (1), and Ōshū (1). Matsuda 1967 provides a table listing these sources on pp. 115–21 and describes them ingeneral terms on pp. 1022–23. Te Bungo documents are the only ones to have been analyzed indetail, for which see Kawamura 1999, pp. 206–10; Kawamura 2003, pp. 270-76.
(239) Ejemplo de que los misioneros perseguidos quemaban la documentación en nota 6
Matheus de Couros (1567–1632), provincial of the Jesuits in Japan, writes in a 5 October 1626 letter to the general that “A great quantity of books, almost all we had owned, as well as our recordsand the letters of all the previous vice-provincials and generals of the Society went up in ﬂames.” ARSI, Jap.Sin., doc. 37b, f. 237v; see also Morejón 1631, p. 39r.
For a recent account of the foundation, growth, and destruction of Christian Nagasaki, see Hesselink 2016.
(240) Mapa de Nagasaki, que toma de su obra de 2016.
(241) Ômura Sumitada (1533-1587) garantizó en 1580 una porción de terreno y fue rodeada por un muro, hasta 1614 virtualmente todos sus residentes estaban bautizados, 12 parroquias, gente organizada en machi, el 23 y 24 de julio de 1587 Hideyoshi issued the ﬁrst anti-Christian edicts, in which he fulminated against the destruction of native shrines by Japanese Christians as well as forced conversions of the populations within the domains of Christian daimyo. He ordered all missionaries to leave Japan within twenty days.12
The hegemon also sent his men toNagasaki to oversee the destruction of the city’s fortiﬁcations. Tenceforth the townwas considered part of the personal domain of the ruler of Japan, who each year dur-ing the trading season sent his representatives to enforce his laws and regulationsconcerning commerce.13
Hideyoshi’s prohibition of Christianity, however, was directed chieﬂy at the activity of the Jesuits; he was less concerned with the private beliefs of Nagasaki’s population. And once he realized that the China trade facilitated by Portuguese carracks stop-ping in Nagasaki depended on the translation and mediation services of the Jesuits,he relented and became willing to allow missionaries a continued presence in thecity, albeit limited to ten members of the order.14
The Jesuits thus maintained a certain amount of inﬂuence over the city’s aﬀairs through the Christian merchant elite
(242) From this time onward, a distinction arose between Uchimachi 内町 (“inner city”),the original settlement established by the Jesuits on land ceded to them in 1580, and Sotomachi 外町 (“outer city”), the adjacent area that started to prosper during the1590s and grow into something that, together with Uchimachi,
could properly becalled a city. At the time, Sotomachi was under the control of Sumitada’s son Ōmura Yoshiaki 大村善前 (1568–1616).15
In 1605, however, Tokugawa Ieyasu 徳川家康 (1543–1616), who had taken over Hideyoshi’s legacy, exchanged Yoshiaki’s territories in Nagasaki’s Sotomachi, on both sides of the land tongue and farther inland along the banks of the Nakajima river, for several villages located a few miles upstream of themouth of the Urakami river.16
Although strongly opposed by Yoshiaki, this action ensured that Nagasaki developed as a city with one instead of two administrations.
The ﬁrst arrival of Franciscan friars, under the patronage of Spain, from the Philippines into Japan, for example, occurred only three years later,in 1584. 17 Te friars were Juan Pobre Diaz Pardo (1514–1616) and Diego Bernal (d. 1584). See Gonoi 2002,pp. 346–47
Although they departed afer only a brief visit to Hirado 平戸, Kyushu’s northwestern trading port, their mere presence immediately aroused the ire of theJesuits—whose mission was under Portugal’s sponsorship. Afer a political contest in Rome for the support of the pope, the matter was decided in favor of the older andbetter-connected mendicants.18 Thus it was only a matter of time before the Jesuits ceased to be the only Roman Catholic missionaries in Japan
(243) 1594 the Spanish vice-provincial of the Jesuits, Pedro Gomez (1535-1600), tacitly allowed them to establish a small church in the old grave-yard of Nagasaki’s Uchimachi.20
This limited tolerance would, however, last only untilthe arrival of Japan’s ﬁrst bishop, the Portuguese Jesuit Pedro Martins (1535-1598), in August 1596. No sooner had the bishop disembarked in Nagasaki than he made surehe excommunicated all Franciscans in the city,21 announced an enormous ﬁne of onehundred taels of silver on anyone bringing friars to Japan, and threatened to excom-municate those who listened to their sermons.22
The animosity between the Jesuits and the Franciscans reached its ﬁrst climax with the 1597 cruciﬁxion of twenty-six Christians, including six Franciscan friars in Naga-saki, an event over which Bishop Martins may have cooperated with Japan’s ruler Toyotomi Hideyoshi.23
With Martins’s death on 13 February 1598 and the arrival of a new and more tolerant bishop, Luis de Cerqueira (1552-1614), in August of the sameyear, the competition abated somewhat, only to ﬂare up again all the more virulentlyover the issue of Cerqueira’s succession upon his death on 16 February 1614.
24 The succession battle came at the very moment that all missionaries, Jesuit as well as mendi-cant, were being expelled from Japan. See Costa 1998, vol. 2, pp. 700–706. To mask its part in theelection of a successor, on 25 February 1614 the Society of Jesus instructed the seven Japanese parish priests of Nagasaki to choose the Jesuit Valentim Carvalho (1558-1631) as caretaker of the bishopric. Avila de Girón 1614, f. 172v. Later that year, probably recognizing that they had been trickedby the Jesuits, the parish priests sided with the mendicants.
Meanwhile, the rivalry between the Jesuits and the Dominicans in Nagasaki, whichis central to our discussion of the Casanatense document, escalated with the 1609 arrival of the Dominican mission from Satsuma 薩摩. In southern Kyushu since 1602, the Dominicans had been expelled for failing to bring trade with Manila tothe domain; they sailed north, looking for a place to resettle,25 and one of the Christian administrators of Nagasaki, Murayama Tōan 村山等安 (1562–1619), oﬀered thema choice piece of land in Katsuyama-machi 勝山町, just outside of Uchimachi.26
(244) There they rebuilt their church, which was called Nossa Senhora do Rosário (andalso known as Santo Domingo or São Domingo); it is to this church that the Rosariobrotherhood of our document had belonged.
Murayama’s 1609 donation of land to theDominicans in such a location—so closely situated to the traditional stronghold of the Jesuits, no less—was therefore a gesture of deﬁance as well as an eﬀort to obtainsupport from a missionary body that was not as well ensconced in the city as theJesuits were.
Nagasaki developed from a small Christian settle-ment with perhaps one thousand inhabitants in 1571 into a sprawling urban centerwith a population of close to 40,000 a mere four decades later is the best gauge of the importance the city had for the Japanese economy as a hub for the trade broughtfrom China in Portuguese carracks.
Nationwide prohibition of Christianity in Japan started on 1 February 1614 with Tokugawa Ieyasu’s edict banishing all missionaries, ordering the closure of allchurches, and prohibiting public and private Christian practice by all Japanese.28
By this time, clearly, the missionaries were no longer considered indispensable to theconduct of trade, and so this edict and others that followed, in contrast with thoseissued by Hideyoshi, were enforced with increasing severity.29
On 24 and 25 February, the missionaries and their helpers in the Kyoto-Osaka area were rounded up andtheir churches set on ﬁre.30
They were sent to Nagasaki, where they arrived on 11 March at ten o’clock at night in eight large water transports.31
Eight months later, on 6 November, two Portuguese ships, one bound for Manila and the other for Macao,lef the Nagasaki anchorage, and over the next two days one hundred and six missionaries—the majority of those then in Japan—embarked on one or the other of these vessels at Kibachi 木鉢 and Fukuda 福田, near the entrance to Nagasaki bay.
(245) Among those who boarded the Manila-bound ship were twenty-three Jesuits (eightpriests and ﬁfeen brothers), two Dominican friars, two Franciscan friars, and twoJapanese parish priests, while the group of Macao-bound missionaries consisted of thirty-eight Jesuit priests and twenty-nine Jesuit brothers.32
In addition to the few missionaries who managed to return surreptitiously afertheir departure,eighteen Jesuit priests remained behind in Japan. Of the nine friars of the Dominican mission, seven (Tomás de Zumarraga, Francisco de Morales,Alonso de Mena,Alonso Navarrete, José [Salvanez] de San Jacinto, Juan de Rueda,and Jacinto Orfanel) stayed, as did six Franciscans (Pedro Bautista, Apolinar Franco,Luis Gomez, Diego Pardo de San Francisco, Pedro de la Asunción, and Juan de SantaMaria), out of a total of ten. One Augustinian (Hernando de Ayala) and ﬁve of the seven Japanese parish priests ordained in Japan (Lorenço of the San [or São]Pedro church, Miguel of the Santa Maria do Monte [also known as Yama no SantaMariya] church, Francisco Murayama of the San Antonio [also known as São Antonio de Padua] church, and two men known only as Clemente and Juan) likewiseremained. All had gone into hiding several months before the other missionarieslef the country.33
In the days following the departure of the priests, nearly all churches in Nagasakiwere torn down.34
Te vast majority of the city’s inhabitants were members of one of its ﬁfeen churches and chapels, but the explosive growth of the city was suddenlyhalted and reversed, with many Christians soon leaving for less conspicuous areas in northeastern Honshu. Even afer the loss of its churches and most of its shepherds,the city remained thoroughly Christian for about ten more years, during which newarrivals were routinely baptized by underground missionaries.35
It is diﬃcult to say whether the Tokugawa bakufu consciously applied a policy of initial clemency toward Christianity followed by gradual severity, or whether it ﬁrstoperated under the mistaken impression that merely removing the clergy would beenough to solve, once and for all, the problem the Church had come to pose over thepast two or three decades. Although they had recently achieved a measure of stability in their power relations with Japan’s warrior class, the country’s rulers were onlytoo aware of the fragility of the compromise that had been worked out and of theneed for a common ideology that would cement the new societal arrangements.36 The story is told in Ooms 1985.
This awareness made the first three Tokugawa shoguns especially sensitive and
(246) 37 For the ideological battle between the bakufu and the Roman Catholic church, see Paramore 2009
The persecution of Christians in the rest of Japan had already claimed many lives even before Ieyasu’s edict of 1614, and in that year it became particularly gruesome in nearby Arima 有馬.38
Yet in Nagasaki not a single Christian was executed for religious reasons between 1614 and 1617.39 On 1 October 1617, Gaspar Ueda Hikojirō and Andrés Yoshida became the ﬁrst citizens of Nagasaki to be executed for aiding missionaries. Signiﬁcantly, however, the executions took place inconspicuously on Takabokoshima 高鉾島, an island near the entrance to Nagasaki bay, far from the city itself. Kataoka 1963, p. 9.
On the contrary, the number of missionaries in and aroundthe city greatly expanded between 1614 and 1619: in the years 1615 and 1616 alone,more than twenty missionaries, foreign and Japanese, clandestinely entered Japan.40
Smuggling priests into the country had become a respected, if foolhardy, business.41
The 1618 arrest of two such smugglers, however, revealed to the authorities theextent to which the citizens of Nagasaki were disregarding the new anti-Christianlegislation. As Masaharu Anesaki writes, “A temporary satisfaction [stemming from the arrests] was broken by disappointing shock, which was replaced by irritation,anger, and hatred; all this was intensiﬁed by the rebuke from the higher authori-ties and followed by a determination to execute the suppressive measures more vigorously.”42
On December of that year, a house-to-house search for hidden mis-sionaries was accompanied by a drive to compel all citizens to swear they would nothide missionaries on pain of being burned alive.43
Thereafer, persecution in Naga-saki rapidly increased in ferocity until ten years later, by which time the whole cityhad been forced into apostasy.In many ways, 1622 (when our document was signed) would prove a crucial year for the missions and the citizens of Nagasaki. In August and September, the bakufu held two spectacles very much like autos-da-fé at the execution grounds of Nishizaka 西坂, just outside the northern end of the city, where fifty-six people (includingtwenty-seven children) were beheaded and twenty-eight burned alive, more thanat any other time in the history of Nagasaki. Known as the “Great Martyrdoms”(daijunkyō 大殉教) of Nagasaki, the executions with their calculated cruelty deﬁni
(247) tively showed that all hope for a compromise on the point of religion was futile, evenin this commercially important city.44
Then, in the fall of 1621, the system of organizing households into groups of ten (jūnin-gumi 十人組), with all held collectively responsible for the crimes of any member, was replaced by a system that operated along the same lines but was based ongroups of ﬁve households (gonin-gumi 五人組) only.45
Te eﬀect of this change was to facilitate the discovery of households that habitually gave shelter to underground missionaries, for neighbors might now betray a fervently Christian family from theirold ten-household group (and reap the rewards) without running any risk them-selves.One might expect that intensifying persecution would lead the diﬀerent mission-ary orders to draw closer together and overcome their rivalries. Yet, as we shall see,that was not the case.
The Brotherhoods of Nagasaki
Brotherhoods, or confraternities (Jp. komufurariya こむふらりや or konfurariya こんふらりや, also known as kumi 組), in the Roman Catholic parlance, are organiza-tions of laypeople, usually (but by no means always) under the guidance of a localpriest. Teir aim is to deepen their members’ commitment to the faith, their church,and their community through organized activities that consume large quantities of time outside of professional life. Most members of the Nagasaki brotherhoods wereJapanese; in fact, we know of only one brotherhood in the city that admitted Portu-guese residents.Te brotherhoods in Nagasaki can be classiﬁed into four types.46
The ﬁrst type wasrepresented by the Misericórdia brotherhood, which was established to provide relief for the needy and to bring Japanese and Portuguese believers together.47
The Santa Maria brotherhood, or Santa Mariya no ongumi サンタマリヤの御組, representing thesecond type, arose from the need to keep the church and believers together afer thestart of persecution in .48
Third were the ordines tertii (established by the Spanish mendicant orders—the Franciscans from 1594, the Dominicans from 1609, andthe Augustinians from 1612), which were originally designed to spread the faith, butwhich, afer persecution intensiﬁed from 1614 onward, functioned much as the SantaMaria brotherhood did, to keep followers together even in the absence of a priest.Te fourth type was parish based; these brotherhoods were established each time a