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(242) From this time onward, a distinction arose between Uchimachi
(242) From this time onward, a distinction arose between Uchimachi
内町
内町 (“inner city”),the original settlement established by the Jesuits on land ceded to them in 1580, and Sotomachi
(“inner city”),the original settlement established by the Jesuits on land ceded to them in 1580, and Sotomachi
外町 (“outer city”), the adjacent area that started to prosper during the1590s and grow into something that, together with Uchimachi,
外町
(“outer city”), the adjacent area that started to prosper during the1590s and grow into something that, together with Uchimachi,
   
   
could properly becalled a city. At the time, Sotomachi was under the control of Sumitada’s son Ōmura Yoshiaki
could properly becalled a city. At the time, Sotomachi was under the control of Sumitada’s son Ōmura Yoshiaki
大村善前
大村善前 (1568–1616).
(1568–1616).
15
15
  In 1605, however, Tokugawa Ieyasu
  In 1605, however, Tokugawa Ieyasu
徳川家康
徳川家康 (1543–1616), who had taken over Hideyoshi’s legacy, exchanged Yoshiaki’s territories in Nagasaki’s Sotomachi, on both sides of the land tongue and farther inland along the banks of the Nakajima river, for several villages located a few miles upstream of themouth of the Urakami river.
(1543–1616), who had taken over Hideyoshi’s legacy, exchanged Yoshiaki’s territories in Nagasaki’s Sotomachi, on both sides of the land tongue and farther inland along the banks of the Nakajima river, for several villages located a few miles upstream of themouth of the Urakami river.
16
16
  Although strongly opposed by Yoshiaki, this action ensured that Nagasaki developed as a city with one instead of two administrations.
  Although strongly opposed by Yoshiaki, this action ensured that Nagasaki developed as a city with one instead of two administrations.
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17 Te friars were Juan Pobre Diaz Pardo (1514–1616) and Diego Bernal (d. 1584). See Gonoi 2002,pp. 346–47
17 Te friars were Juan Pobre Diaz Pardo (1514–1616) and Diego Bernal (d. 1584). See Gonoi 2002,pp. 346–47
  Although they departed afer only a brief visit to Hirado
  Although they departed afer only a brief visit to Hirado
平戸
平戸, Kyushu’s northwestern trading port, their mere presence immediately aroused the ire of theJesuits—whose mission was under Portugal’s sponsorship. Afer a political contest in Rome for the support of the pope, the matter was decided in favor of the older andbetter-connected mendicants.18
, Kyushu’s northwestern trading port, their mere presence immediately aroused the ire of theJesuits—whose mission was under Portugal’s sponsorship. Afer a political contest in Rome for the support of the pope, the matter was decided in favor of the older andbetter-connected mendicants.
18
  Thus it was only a matter of time before the Jesuits ceased to be the only Roman Catholic missionaries in Japan
  Thus it was only a matter of time before the Jesuits ceased to be the only Roman Catholic missionaries in Japan


(243) 1594 the Spanish vice-provincial of the Jesuits, Pedro Gomez (1535-1600), tacitly allowed them to establish a small church in the old grave-yard of Nagasaki’s Uchimachi.
(243) 1594 the Spanish vice-provincial of the Jesuits, Pedro Gomez (1535-1600), tacitly allowed them to establish a small church in the old grave-yard of Nagasaki’s Uchimachi.20
20
 
  Tis limited tolerance would, however, last only untilthe arrival of Japan’s first bishop, the Portuguese Jesuit Pedro Martins (1535-1598), in August 1596. No sooner had the bishop disembarked in Nagasaki than he made surehe excommunicated all Franciscans in the city,
  This limited tolerance would, however, last only untilthe arrival of Japan’s first bishop, the Portuguese Jesuit Pedro Martins (1535-1598), in August 1596. No sooner had the bishop disembarked in Nagasaki than he made surehe excommunicated all Franciscans in the city,21 announced an enormous fine of onehundred taels of silver on anyone bringing friars to Japan, and threatened to excom-municate those who listened to their sermons.22
21
 
announced an enormous fine of onehundred taels of silver on anyone bringing friars to Japan, and threatened to excom-municate those who listened to their sermons.
  The animosity between the Jesuits and the Franciscans reached its first climax with the 1597 crucifixion of twenty-six Christians, including six Franciscan friars in Naga-saki, an event over which Bishop Martins may have cooperated with Japan’s ruler Toyotomi Hideyoshi.23
22
 
  Te animosity between the Jesuits and the Franciscans reached its first climax with the 1597 crucifixion of twenty-six Christians, including six Franciscan friars in Naga-saki, an event over which Bishop Martins may have cooperated with Japan’s ruler Toyotomi Hideyoshi.
23
  With Martins’s death on 13 February 1598 and the arrival of a new and more tolerant bishop, Luis de Cerqueira (1552-1614), in August of the sameyear, the competition abated somewhat, only to flare up again all the more virulentlyover the issue of Cerqueira’s succession upon his death on 16 February 1614.
  With Martins’s death on 13 February 1598 and the arrival of a new and more tolerant bishop, Luis de Cerqueira (1552-1614), in August of the sameyear, the competition abated somewhat, only to flare up again all the more virulentlyover the issue of Cerqueira’s succession upon his death on 16 February 1614.
24 Te succession battle came at the very moment that all missionaries, Jesuit as well as mendi-cant, were being expelled from Japan. See Costa 1998, vol. 2, pp. 700–706. To mask its part in theelection of a successor, on 25 February 1614 the Society of Jesus instructed the seven Japanese parish priests of Nagasaki to choose the Jesuit Valentim Carvalho (1558-1631) as caretaker of the bishopric. Avila de Girón 1614, f. 172v. Later that year, probably recognizing that they had been trickedby the Jesuits, the parish priests sided with the mendicants.
24 The succession battle came at the very moment that all missionaries, Jesuit as well as mendi-cant, were being expelled from Japan. See Costa 1998, vol. 2, pp. 700–706. To mask its part in theelection of a successor, on 25 February 1614 the Society of Jesus instructed the seven Japanese parish priests of Nagasaki to choose the Jesuit Valentim Carvalho (1558-1631) as caretaker of the bishopric. Avila de Girón 1614, f. 172v. Later that year, probably recognizing that they had been trickedby the Jesuits, the parish priests sided with the mendicants.


Meanwhile, the rivalry between the Jesuits and the Dominicans in Nagasaki, whichis central to our discussion of the Casanatense document, escalated with the 1609 arrival of the Dominican mission from Satsuma
Meanwhile, the rivalry between the Jesuits and the Dominicans in Nagasaki, whichis central to our discussion of the Casanatense document, escalated with the 1609 arrival of the Dominican mission from Satsuma
薩摩
薩摩
. In southern Kyushu since󰀱󰀶󰀰󰀲, the Dominicans had been expelled for failing to bring trade with Manila tothe domain; they sailed north, looking for a place to resettle,
. In southern Kyushu since󰀱󰀶󰀰󰀲, the Dominicans had been expelled for failing to bring trade with Manila tothe domain; they sailed north, looking for a place to resettle,25 and one of the Christian administrators of Nagasaki, Murayama Tōan
25
村山等安 (1562–1619), offered thema choice piece of land in Katsuyama-machi
and one of the Christian administrators of Nagasaki, Murayama Tōan
勝山町, just outside of Uchimachi.26
村山等安
(1562–1619), offered thema choice piece of land in Katsuyama-machi
勝山町
, just outside of Uchimachi.
26


(244) There they rebuilt their church, which was called Nossa Senhora do Rosário (andalso known as Santo Domingo or São Domingo); it is to this church that the Rosariobrotherhood of our document had belonged.
(244) There they rebuilt their church, which was called Nossa Senhora do Rosário (andalso known as Santo Domingo or São Domingo); it is to this church that the Rosariobrotherhood of our document had belonged.
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Nagasaki developed from a small Christian settle-ment with perhaps one thousand inhabitants in 1571 into a sprawling urban centerwith a population of close to 40,000 a mere four decades later is the best gauge of the importance the city had for the Japanese economy as a hub for the trade broughtfrom China in Portuguese carracks.
Nagasaki developed from a small Christian settle-ment with perhaps one thousand inhabitants in 1571 into a sprawling urban centerwith a population of close to 40,000 a mere four decades later is the best gauge of the importance the city had for the Japanese economy as a hub for the trade broughtfrom China in Portuguese carracks.
Persecution
Persecution
Nationwide prohibition of Christianity in Japan started on 1 February 1614 withokugawa Ieyasu’s edict banishing all missionaries, ordering the closure of allchurches, and prohibiting public and private Christian practice by all Japanese.
 
28
Nationwide prohibition of Christianity in Japan started on 1 February 1614 withokugawa Ieyasu’s edict banishing all missionaries, ordering the closure of allchurches, and prohibiting public and private Christian practice by all Japanese.28
  Bythis time, clearly, the missionaries were no longer considered indispensable to theconduct of trade, and so this edict and others that followed, in contrast with thoseissued by Hideyoshi, were enforced with increasing severity.
 
29
  By this time, clearly, the missionaries were no longer considered indispensable to theconduct of trade, and so this edict and others that followed, in contrast with thoseissued by Hideyoshi, were enforced with increasing severity.29
  On 24 and 25 February, the missionaries and their helpers in the Kyoto-Osaka area were rounded up andtheir churches set on fire.
 
30
  On 24 and 25 February, the missionaries and their helpers in the Kyoto-Osaka area were rounded up andtheir churches set on fire.30
  Tey were sent to Nagasaki, where they arrived on 11 March at ten o’clock at night in eight large water transports.
 
31
  They were sent to Nagasaki, where they arrived on 11 March at ten o’clock at night in eight large water transports.31
  Eight months later, on 6 November, two Portuguese ships, one bound for Manila and the other for Macao,lef the Nagasaki anchorage, and over the next two days one hundred and six missionaries—the majority of those then in Japan—embarked on one or the other of these vessels at Kibachi
 
木鉢
  Eight months later, on 6 November, two Portuguese ships, one bound for Manila and the other for Macao,lef the Nagasaki anchorage, and over the next two days one hundred and six missionaries—the majority of those then in Japan—embarked on one or the other of these vessels at Kibachi 木鉢 and Fukuda 福田, near the entrance to Nagasaki bay.
and Fukuda
福田
, near the entrance to Nagasaki bay.

Revisión del 16:06 4 ago 2022

Hesselink, Reinier H. Volver a Bibliografía Japón.

"104 Voices from Christian Nagasaki: Document of the Rosario Brotherhood of Nagasaki with the Signatures of Its Members (February 1622): An Analysis and Translation". En Monumenta Nipponica Vol. 70, No. 2 (2016), pp. 237-265. Disponible en internet: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43864687 [consultado el 4 de agosto de 2022].

(237) 104 miembros destacados de la Cofradía del Rosario firmaron en Nagasaki en febrero de 1622 lo que hoy es un rollo de dos metros, 11 páginas pegadas de papel japonés, conservado en la Biblioteca Casanatense de Roma (doc. 4253A: Nagasaki) en una caja que también contiene las firmas de 77 miembros de la Cofradía del Rosario de Omura (4253B: Omura).

(238) Comienza con un testamento japonés de 4 páginas presentado como 7 artículos sobre la situación de los cristianos en la ciudad, más 5 hojas con las firmas de 83 hombres y 28 mujeres. Siguen dos hojas con la traducción latina hecha por los dominicos Diego Collado (1589-1641) y Juan de los Ángeles Rueda (1578-1624).

Se conocen 60 testamentos posteriores a 1617 con cientos de firmas.

En el Archivo Provincial de Toledo (¿de los dominicos?) con sede en Alcalá de Henares: The collection at APT includes forty-eight documents composed by various Christian communities on Kyushu and Honshu: Bungo (14 communities), Buzen (2), Chikuzen (1), Chikugo (1),Gotō (8), Higo (2), Hyūga (1), Satsuma (2), Nagato (1), Suō (3), Miyako (1), Osaka (1), Sakai (1), and Ōshū (1). Matsuda 1967 provides a table listing these sources on pp. 115–21 and describes them ingeneral terms on pp. 1022–23. Te Bungo documents are the only ones to have been analyzed indetail, for which see Kawamura 1999, pp. 206–10; Kawamura 2003, pp. 270-76.

(239) Ejemplo de que los misioneros perseguidos quemaban la documentación en nota 6

Matheus de Couros (1567–1632), provincial of the Jesuits in Japan, writes in a 5 October 1626 letter to the general that “A great quantity of books, almost all we had owned, as well as our recordsand the letters of all the previous vice-provincials and generals of the Society went up in flames.” ARSI, Jap.Sin., doc. 37b, f. 237v; see also Morejón 1631, p. 39r.

For a recent account of the foundation, growth, and destruction of Christian Nagasaki, see Hesselink 2016.

(240) Mapa de Nagasaki, que toma de su obra de 2016.

(241) Ômura Sumitada (1533-1587) garantizó en 1580 una porción de terreno y fue rodeada por un muro, hasta 1614 virtualmente todos sus residentes estaban bautizados, 12 parroquias, gente organizada en machi, el 23 y 24 de julio de 1587 Hideyoshi issued the first anti-Christian edicts, in which he fulminated against the destruction of native shrines by Japanese Christians as well as forced conversions of the populations within the domains of Christian daimyo. He ordered all missionaries to leave Japan within twenty days. 12

The hegemon also sent his men toNagasaki to oversee the destruction of the city’s fortifications. Tenceforth the townwas considered part of the personal domain of the ruler of Japan, who each year dur-ing the trading season sent his representatives to enforce his laws and regulationsconcerning commerce.13

Hideyoshi’s prohibition of Christianity, however, was directed chiefly at the activity of the Jesuits; he was less concerned with the private beliefs of Nagasaki’s population. And once he realized that the China trade facilitated by Portuguese carracks stop-ping in Nagasaki depended on the translation and mediation services of the Jesuits,he relented and became willing to allow missionaries a continued presence in thecity, albeit limited to ten members of the order.14

The Jesuits thus maintained a certain amount of influence over the city’s affairs through the Christian merchant elite

(242) From this time onward, a distinction arose between Uchimachi 内町 (“inner city”),the original settlement established by the Jesuits on land ceded to them in 1580, and Sotomachi 外町 (“outer city”), the adjacent area that started to prosper during the1590s and grow into something that, together with Uchimachi,

could properly becalled a city. At the time, Sotomachi was under the control of Sumitada’s son Ōmura Yoshiaki 大村善前 (1568–1616). 15

In 1605, however, Tokugawa Ieyasu

徳川家康 (1543–1616), who had taken over Hideyoshi’s legacy, exchanged Yoshiaki’s territories in Nagasaki’s Sotomachi, on both sides of the land tongue and farther inland along the banks of the Nakajima river, for several villages located a few miles upstream of themouth of the Urakami river. 16

Although strongly opposed by Yoshiaki, this action ensured that Nagasaki developed as a city with one instead of two administrations.

Te first arrival of Franciscan friars, under the patronage of Spain, from the Philippines into Japan, for example, occurred only three years later,in 1584. 17 Te friars were Juan Pobre Diaz Pardo (1514–1616) and Diego Bernal (d. 1584). See Gonoi 2002,pp. 346–47

Although they departed afer only a brief visit to Hirado

平戸, Kyushu’s northwestern trading port, their mere presence immediately aroused the ire of theJesuits—whose mission was under Portugal’s sponsorship. Afer a political contest in Rome for the support of the pope, the matter was decided in favor of the older andbetter-connected mendicants.18

Thus it was only a matter of time before the Jesuits ceased to be the only Roman Catholic missionaries in Japan

(243) 1594 the Spanish vice-provincial of the Jesuits, Pedro Gomez (1535-1600), tacitly allowed them to establish a small church in the old grave-yard of Nagasaki’s Uchimachi.20

This limited tolerance would, however, last only untilthe arrival of Japan’s first bishop, the Portuguese Jesuit Pedro Martins (1535-1598), in August 1596. No sooner had the bishop disembarked in Nagasaki than he made surehe excommunicated all Franciscans in the city,21 announced an enormous fine of onehundred taels of silver on anyone bringing friars to Japan, and threatened to excom-municate those who listened to their sermons.22
The animosity between the Jesuits and the Franciscans reached its first climax with the 1597 crucifixion of twenty-six Christians, including six Franciscan friars in Naga-saki, an event over which Bishop Martins may have cooperated with Japan’s ruler Toyotomi Hideyoshi.23
With Martins’s death on 13 February 1598 and the arrival of a new and more tolerant bishop, Luis de Cerqueira (1552-1614), in August of the sameyear, the competition abated somewhat, only to flare up again all the more virulentlyover the issue of Cerqueira’s succession upon his death on 16 February 1614.

24 The succession battle came at the very moment that all missionaries, Jesuit as well as mendi-cant, were being expelled from Japan. See Costa 1998, vol. 2, pp. 700–706. To mask its part in theelection of a successor, on 25 February 1614 the Society of Jesus instructed the seven Japanese parish priests of Nagasaki to choose the Jesuit Valentim Carvalho (1558-1631) as caretaker of the bishopric. Avila de Girón 1614, f. 172v. Later that year, probably recognizing that they had been trickedby the Jesuits, the parish priests sided with the mendicants.

Meanwhile, the rivalry between the Jesuits and the Dominicans in Nagasaki, whichis central to our discussion of the Casanatense document, escalated with the 1609 arrival of the Dominican mission from Satsuma 薩摩 . In southern Kyushu since󰀱󰀶󰀰󰀲, the Dominicans had been expelled for failing to bring trade with Manila tothe domain; they sailed north, looking for a place to resettle,25 and one of the Christian administrators of Nagasaki, Murayama Tōan 村山等安 (1562–1619), offered thema choice piece of land in Katsuyama-machi 勝山町, just outside of Uchimachi.26

(244) There they rebuilt their church, which was called Nossa Senhora do Rosário (andalso known as Santo Domingo or São Domingo); it is to this church that the Rosariobrotherhood of our document had belonged.

Murayama’s 1609 donation of land to theDominicans in such a location—so closely situated to the traditional stronghold of the Jesuits, no less—was therefore a gesture of defiance as well as an effort to obtainsupport from a missionary body that was not as well ensconced in the city as theJesuits were.

Nagasaki developed from a small Christian settle-ment with perhaps one thousand inhabitants in 1571 into a sprawling urban centerwith a population of close to 40,000 a mere four decades later is the best gauge of the importance the city had for the Japanese economy as a hub for the trade broughtfrom China in Portuguese carracks.

Persecution

Nationwide prohibition of Christianity in Japan started on 1 February 1614 withokugawa Ieyasu’s edict banishing all missionaries, ordering the closure of allchurches, and prohibiting public and private Christian practice by all Japanese.28

By this time, clearly, the missionaries were no longer considered indispensable to theconduct of trade, and so this edict and others that followed, in contrast with thoseissued by Hideyoshi, were enforced with increasing severity.29
On 24 and 25 February, the missionaries and their helpers in the Kyoto-Osaka area were rounded up andtheir churches set on fire.30
They were sent to Nagasaki, where they arrived on 11 March at ten o’clock at night in eight large water transports.31
Eight months later, on 6 November, two Portuguese ships, one bound for Manila and the other for Macao,lef the Nagasaki anchorage, and over the next two days one hundred and six missionaries—the majority of those then in Japan—embarked on one or the other of these vessels at Kibachi 木鉢 and Fukuda 福田, near the entrance to Nagasaki bay.