Hesselink

Hesselink, Reinier H. Volver a Bibliografía Japón.

"104 Voices from Christian Nagasaki: Document of the Rosario Brotherhood of Nagasaki with the Signatures of Its Members (February 1622): An Analysis and Translation". En Monumenta Nipponica Vol. 70, No. 2 (2016), pp. 237-265. Disponible en internet: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43864687 [consultado el 4 de agosto de 2022].

(237) 104 miembros destacados de la Cofradía del Rosario firmaron en Nagasaki en febrero de 1622 lo que hoy es un rollo de dos metros, 11 páginas pegadas de papel japonés, conservado en la Biblioteca Casanatense de Roma (doc. 4253A: Nagasaki) en una caja que también contiene las firmas de 77 miembros de la Cofradía del Rosario de Omura (4253B: Omura).

(238) Comienza con un testamento japonés de 4 páginas presentado como 7 artículos sobre la situación de los cristianos en la ciudad, más 5 hojas con las firmas de 83 hombres y 28 mujeres. Siguen dos hojas con la traducción latina hecha por los dominicos Diego Collado (1589-1641) y Juan de los Ángeles Rueda (1578-1624).

Se conocen 60 testamentos posteriores a 1617 con cientos de firmas.

En el Archivo Provincial de Toledo (¿de los dominicos?) con sede en Alcalá de Henares: The collection at APT includes forty-eight documents composed by various Christian communities on Kyushu and Honshu: Bungo (14 communities), Buzen (2), Chikuzen (1), Chikugo (1),Gotō (8), Higo (2), Hyūga (1), Satsuma (2), Nagato (1), Suō (3), Miyako (1), Osaka (1), Sakai (1), and Ōshū (1). Matsuda 1967 provides a table listing these sources on pp. 115–21 and describes them ingeneral terms on pp. 1022–23. Te Bungo documents are the only ones to have been analyzed indetail, for which see Kawamura 1999, pp. 206–10; Kawamura 2003, pp. 270-76.

(239) Ejemplo de que los misioneros perseguidos quemaban la documentación en nota 6

Matheus de Couros (1567–1632), provincial of the Jesuits in Japan, writes in a 5 October 1626 letter to the general that “A great quantity of books, almost all we had owned, as well as our recordsand the letters of all the previous vice-provincials and generals of the Society went up in flames.” ARSI, Jap.Sin., doc. 37b, f. 237v; see also Morejón 1631, p. 39r.

For a recent account of the foundation, growth, and destruction of Christian Nagasaki, see Hesselink 2016.

(240) Mapa de Nagasaki, que toma de su obra de 2016.

(241) Ômura Sumitada (1533-1587) garantizó en 1580 una porción de terreno y fue rodeada por un muro, hasta 1614 virtualmente todos sus residentes estaban bautizados, 12 parroquias, gente organizada en machi, el 23 y 24 de julio de 1587 Hideyoshi issued the first anti-Christian edicts, in which he fulminated against the destruction of native shrines by Japanese Christians as well as forced conversions of the populations within the domains of Christian daimyo. He ordered all missionaries to leave Japan within twenty days. 12

The hegemon also sent his men toNagasaki to oversee the destruction of the city’s fortifications. Tenceforth the townwas considered part of the personal domain of the ruler of Japan, who each year dur-ing the trading season sent his representatives to enforce his laws and regulationsconcerning commerce.13

Hideyoshi’s prohibition of Christianity, however, was directed chiefly at the activity of the Jesuits; he was less concerned with the private beliefs of Nagasaki’s population. And once he realized that the China trade facilitated by Portuguese carracks stop-ping in Nagasaki depended on the translation and mediation services of the Jesuits,he relented and became willing to allow missionaries a continued presence in thecity, albeit limited to ten members of the order.14

The Jesuits thus maintained a certain amount of influence over the city’s affairs through the Christian merchant elite

(242) From this time onward, a distinction arose between Uchimachi 内町

(“inner city”),the original settlement established by the Jesuits on land ceded to them in 1580, and Sotomachi

外町

(“outer city”), the adjacent area that started to prosper during the1590s and grow into something that, together with Uchimachi,

could properly becalled a city. At the time, Sotomachi was under the control of Sumitada’s son Ōmura Yoshiaki 大村善前

(1568–1616).

15

In 1605, however, Tokugawa Ieyasu

徳川家康

(1543–1616), who had taken over Hideyoshi’s legacy, exchanged Yoshiaki’s territories in Nagasaki’s Sotomachi, on both sides of the land tongue and farther inland along the banks of the Nakajima river, for several villages located a few miles upstream of themouth of the Urakami river.

16

Although strongly opposed by Yoshiaki, this action ensured that Nagasaki developed as a city with one instead of two administrations.

Te first arrival of Franciscan friars, under the patronage of Spain, from the Philippines into Japan, for example, occurred only three years later,in 1584. 17 Te friars were Juan Pobre Diaz Pardo (1514–1616) and Diego Bernal (d. 1584). See Gonoi 2002,pp. 346–47

Although they departed afer only a brief visit to Hirado

平戸 , Kyushu’s northwestern trading port, their mere presence immediately aroused the ire of theJesuits—whose mission was under Portugal’s sponsorship. Afer a political contest in Rome for the support of the pope, the matter was decided in favor of the older andbetter-connected mendicants. 18

Thus it was only a matter of time before the Jesuits ceased to be the only Roman Catholic missionaries in Japan

(243) 1594 the Spanish vice-provincial of the Jesuits, Pedro Gomez (1535-1600), tacitly allowed them to establish a small church in the old grave-yard of Nagasaki’s Uchimachi. 20

Tis limited tolerance would, however, last only untilthe arrival of Japan’s first bishop, the Portuguese Jesuit Pedro Martins (1535-1598), in August 1596. No sooner had the bishop disembarked in Nagasaki than he made surehe excommunicated all Franciscans in the city,

21

announced an enormous fine of onehundred taels of silver on anyone bringing friars to Japan, and threatened to excom-municate those who listened to their sermons.

22

Te animosity between the Jesuits and the Franciscans reached its first climax with the 1597 crucifixion of twenty-six Christians, including six Franciscan friars in Naga-saki, an event over which Bishop Martins may have cooperated with Japan’s ruler Toyotomi Hideyoshi.

23

With Martins’s death on 13 February 1598 and the arrival of a new and more tolerant bishop, Luis de Cerqueira (1552-1614), in August of the sameyear, the competition abated somewhat, only to flare up again all the more virulentlyover the issue of Cerqueira’s succession upon his death on 16 February 1614.

24 Meanwhile, the rivalry between the Jesuits and the Dominicans in Nagasaki, whichis central to our discussion of the Casanatense document, escalated with the 1609 arrival of the Dominican mission from Satsuma 薩摩 . In southern Kyushu since󰀱󰀶󰀰󰀲, the Dominicans had been expelled for failing to bring trade with Manila tothe domain; they sailed north, looking for a place to resettle, 25

and one of the Christian administrators of Nagasaki, Murayama Tōan

村山等安

(1562–1619), offered thema choice piece of land in Katsuyama-machi

勝山町 , just outside of Uchimachi. 26